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THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


81 


finding only human bones, confusedly mixed, which he estimated 
at a thousand skeletons. 


A SEMI-CIRCULAR NOTCH 


About one-third or three-eighths inch in size is sometimes present 
in the lateral margin of a thin leaf-shaped stone knife, as if too 
large a chip had been accidentally detached in getting the outline : 
but the size, regularity, and sharpness of edge, indicate that such a 
notch was for a purpose—such as scraping arrow-shafts, or material 
for strings; and a notch in the base of broken arrow-heads seems 
sometimes to have been rounded for this purpose. 


A BASAL NOTCH, 


Occurs in some arrow-heads (Jones, pi. 9, pg. 36; Abbott, figs. 66- 
68), which I have regarded as intended to be fitted upon a suitable 
elevation in the notch of the shaft to prevent lateral motion. 
Among some modern stone-tipt arrows presented to me by Mr. 
Johnston Moore, of Carlisle, Pa., I find a head adapted in this man¬ 
ner and fastened with gum of Larrea Mexicana, a wrapping of sinew 
being restricted to the end of the shaft. Besides the gum, other 
examples are tied with sinew passing through the ordinary notch on 
each side, as figured from a California example, in Nilsson’s V Age 
de la pierre, Paris, 1868, fig. 104. The same quiver contains an 
arrow (the shortest of the lot) with a dagger-shaped iron point five 
and a half inches long beyond the shaft, from which we may infer 
that certain supposed long and slender stone spear-heads may often 
have belonged to arrows. 


■o:o- 


SKETCH OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE OF SOUTHERN 

OREGON. 


BY ALBERT S. 'OATSCHET. 


The Pacific slope of the Sierra Nevada and of the Rocky Moun¬ 
tains in the British Possessions is inhabited by Indians whose race- 
type differs in many particulars from the one observed east of the 
Rocky Mountains. * Their idioms, when classed in language-fami¬ 
lies, are found to extend over areas considerably smaller than those 
of the Mississippi Valley and the Atlantic Coast of North America. 
These linguistic stocks or families, and their limits, could be estab¬ 
lished with some degree of certainty only a few years ago, when 
material more trustworthy than heretofore came to hand, and even 
now these classifications must be regarded as provisional for differ¬ 
ent reasons. It will suffice to mention the two principal reasons 



/ ^ 







82 


THE AMERICAN AN1IQUARIAN. 


why a certainty in this respect can he expected only from more a c “ 
tive investigations in the future : 

1. We know of most of these idioms only as far as their lexicon 
is concerned, through scanty vocabularies, while the grammatic or 
morphological part of them is the only decisive criterion for linguis¬ 
tic affinity. 

2. We do not know and never will know the historical evolution 
through which every one of these idioms has passed. This deficien¬ 
cy can be supplied, but in a certain degree only, by a careful study 
of the several dialects of one stock, where dialects exist. In several 
languages of the Old World we are enabled to trace this historic 
development through twenty or thirty centuries, and this has, f. i., 
made it possible to prove that the Irish and the Sanskrit languages 
have sprung from one and the same stock, though they seem, at first 
sight, to be totally dissimilar in grammatic forms as well as in their 
dictionary. 

The Klamath language forms one of these narrowly circumscrib¬ 
ed linguistic families, which to our present knowledge seems to have 
no congeners, though the idioms spoken on Middle Columbia River 
have not yet been thoroughly compared with it for want of material. 
This language is spoken by two tribes only, the Klamath Lake 
people and the Modocs, in two dialects which are almost identical 
and therefore should be called subdialects. The ancient home of 
these tribes is situated east of the Cascade Range, between 120° and 
122° west of Greenwich, and from about 41° 30' to 43° 30' northern 
latitude, thus extending from southwestern Oregon into northeast¬ 
ern California. 

The Modoc Tribe held the southern part of this area, roaming 
through Lost River Valley and the volcanic ledges between Lower 
Klamath Lake and Goose Lake. These Indians were called “Moa- 
tokni,” “Dwellers on the Southern Lake,” from one of their prin¬ 
cipal camping grounds on Modoc Lake, which is our Tule or Rhett 
Lake. Modoc Lake is called Moatok or Moatak in that Indian 
language, from maat, “south.” This tribe first came into promi¬ 
nent notice through the bloody Modoc war of 1873, and as a conse¬ 
quence of this struggle one half of the tribe was removed to the 
northeastern portion of the Indian Territory (about 140 individuals),, 
and the other half remained at Yainex, in Upper Sprague River 
Valley. 

The Klamath Lake Tribe occupied the northern part of the an¬ 
cient Klamath-Modoc territory. A portion of them haunted the 
shores of Klamath Marsh; others, the Plaikni, or “Uplanders,” 
the country along Sprague River, while the main bulk inhabited the 
shores of Williamson River and Upper Klamath Lake, and were 
called E-ukshikni, or “Lake Dwellers,” from e-ush, lake. The 
camps on Klamath Marsh are now abandoned, but the other settle¬ 
ments still exist, the whole population amounting to about 600 
individuals. 

The two tribes now live exclusively within the Klamath Indian 
Reservation. They call themselves maklaks , which means “ those 
living m camps,” and is also their common term for “ Indians ” 
and for “ men ” generally. 


I 


THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 83 

In the present phonetic state of the Klamath language conso¬ 
nants predominate in number over vowels about in the same degree 
as in Latin, and the language is easily pronounceable to those who 
have mastered two peculiar sounds, not occurring in English, the 
t an d the^. The laws governing the phonetic changes produced 
by assimilation, dissimilation and reduplication show that these 
Indians possess a fine feeling for phonetic harmony. Every sound 
can stand at the beginning of a word, but qifite a number of them 
cannot become final sounds. Consonantic clusters produced 
through elision of vowels are mainly found at the end of words. 
Every vowel and every consonant is, just as in other American 
languages, interchangeable with one or several others pronounced 
with the same mouth organ. The language lacks f and r, makes 
very limited use of z, oandu, while the sibilants s, sh, all guttur¬ 
als, including k and /, and the palatals tch, dsh, predominate over 
dentals and labials. The grammatical accent usually rests on the 
radical syllable, but is frequently removed from it by syntactic 
emphasis or by what is called the “secondary accent.” Nasal 
sounds are rarely met with, and the diphthongs are of adulterine 
character. 

Morphologically the Klamath tongue of southwestern Oregon is 
analytic in its relations of noun and verb to direct or indirect ob¬ 
ject, but synthetic in a considerable degree in its inflection, and 
still more so in its derivative forms. The parts of- Klamath speech 
are more perfectly differentiated than in many other Indian lan¬ 
guages, and although no true verb exists, only a noun-verb, it is 
made more distinct from the noun than this is done in Kalapuya, 
f.i. Its active form is identical with the passive, a large number of 
verbal prefixes and suffixes are common to the noun and this may 
be said also of the reduplicated form which indicates distribution 
and in many instances corresponds pretty closely with our plural. 
The possessive pronouns are not identical with the personal pro¬ 
nouns, though the majority of them are formed by the possessive 
cases of the latter. Substantive nouns can be formed from verbs 
by appending sh, though this same suffix also serves to form verbal 
nouns corresponding more or less to our infinitives and our parti¬ 
ciples in ing. Verb and noun undergo an inflection for tense, but 
in a quite different manner and with different suffixes. By prefix¬ 
ation and suffixation the Klamath verb forms medial, reciprocal, 
reflective, iterative, usitative, frequentative, causative, as well as 
many other forms, which we can only circumscribe by conjunctions 
or long sentences. Modes are partly expressed by suffixes, partly 
by separate particles, but no real incorporation of the subject-pro¬ 
noun into the verbal basis is observed. This circumstance tends 
to make the acquisition of this upland idiom considerably easier 
than of many other Indian languages, in which a full conjugational 
system exists distinguishing the three persons through singular, 
plural and dual. On the other side a profound and unremitting 
study is required to comprehend the polysynthesis of the word-com¬ 
posing suffixes. 


THE AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN. 




84 


Klamath is eminently a suffix language, for suffixes preponderate 
to a large extent over prefixes, and what appear to be infixes or 
particles infixed into the basis, to indicate relation, are in fact not 
infixes into the monosyllabic root, but suffixes to it. Prefixes are 
used here to mark shape or external form in noun or verb, and in 
the latter to show the genus verbi, while suffixes fulfil the purposes 
of inflection and discriminate the various forms of speech from each 
other by becoming derivative or word-formative syllables or sylla¬ 
ble-fragments. With great precision this language marks in its 
pronouns and verbal suffixes the distance of the real or supposed 
speaker from the persons or objects alluded to, and although Kla¬ 
math cannot contend in power of abstraction with English, French, 
Italian or Spanish, it largely surpasses these idioms in graphic 
vivacity of expression, in terseness, concrete precision and laconic 
brevity. The tendency of being graphic and intuitively descrip¬ 
tive has produced a number of synonymous terms in all the Indian 
languages; a slight idea of this can be obtained by perusing Rev. 
Stephen B. Riggs’ Dakota Dictionary. This collection contains 
over 15,000 terms, and Dakota is at least equalled in the amount of 
words by the Klamath idiom and probably surpassed by the Sahap- 
tin dialects. Facts like these should at least dispel entirely the 
vulgar prejudice of the paucity of words and ideas to be found 
in the beautiful languages of our American aborigines, the won¬ 
derful structure of which has aroused the admiration of every 
student whose mind was above the common standard of mediocrity. 

Compound words, viz: nouns combined with nouns, (and verbs 
with auxiliary verbs), are not uncommon, though as a rule binary 
only. The noun is inflected for case by case-suffixes and postposi¬ 
tions, and the case-suffixes are often compound ones. The declen¬ 
sion of the adjective and the numeral differs somewhat from that 
of the substantive and is less complete in its forms, owing to the 
agglutinative character of the language. The formation of a dis¬ 
tributive form by redoubling the first syllable, which is usually 
the radical, pervades the whole language down to the adverb and 
forms one of its most peculiar characteristics. Still more explicit¬ 
ly this feature is developed in the Flathead language of Montana, 
belonging to the Selisli family, for it can occur there in three differ¬ 
ent shapes of one and the same term. A reduplication to form the 
plural is found in all the tongues of the Kaliuatl and Numa (or 
Slioshoni) stock, but what we observe in Klamath differs from it in 
signification, being not a real plural, but a distributivcform intend¬ 
ed to mark severalty. 

I conclude this rapid grammatical sketch with the remark that 
Klamath possesses no article, neitjier definite nor indefinite. But 
the expressive and deictic character of the language usually leaves 
no doubt in the hearers’ mind whether the person or a person is 
meant, and the great variety of demonstrative pronouns and parti¬ 
ciples help to give precision to the speech in this respect. 





























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